2000, ISBN: 1885442025
Paperback, Hardcover
United Kingdom, 02 March 2000: Doubleday Publishing, 2000 Crease to cover, some tanning/foxing to book. From the Publisher A thoroughly original and hilarious novel about mothers, daughte… More...
United Kingdom, 02 March 2000: Doubleday Publishing, 2000 Crease to cover, some tanning/foxing to book. From the Publisher A thoroughly original and hilarious novel about mothers, daughters, and love, by the author of Behind the Scenes at the Museum. On a weather-beaten island off the coast of Scotland, Effie and her mother, Nora, take refuge in the large, mouldering house of their ancestors and tell each other stories. Nora, at first, recounts nothing that Effie really wants to hear--like who her real father was. Effie tells various versions of her life at college, where in fact she lives in a lethargic relationship with Bob, a student who never goes to lectures, seldom gets out of bed, and to whom Klingons are as real as Spaniards and Germans. But as mother and daughter spin their tales, strange things are happening around them. Is Effie being followed? Is someone killing the old people? And where is the mysterious yellow dog? In a brilliant comic narrative which explores the nonsensical power of language and meaning, Kate Atkinson has created another magical masterpiece. Barnes & Noble Guide to New Fiction "This is writing." Atkinson's "brilliantly rendered, multilayered and fascinating" novel about mothers, daughters, and love is "witty, well-crafted, and clever. A definite recommendation." "Impossible to put down." "Now I won't rest until all of Ms. Atkinson's other novels sit securely on my 'to be read' pile. Thank you for introducing me to this talent." Publishers Weekly When Atkinson's first novel, Behind the Scenes at the Museum, beat out Salman Rushdie's The Moor's Last Sigh for the 1995 Whitbread Book of the Year Award, a controversy in the British press ensued. But this imaginative and unconventional writer strikes back at her detractors in her third book (after Human Croquet), skewering the academic literary establishment with understated but spot-on humor, while telling an imaginative tale both outrageously funny and poignantly human: Tom Robbins meets John Irving. Euphemia "Effie" Andrews, a 21-year-old Scot and student at the University of Dundee, arrives at a remote, barren Scottish island to swap life stories with her mother, Nora. Effie comes with a slew of tales about the free-love and druggy chaos of her early 1970s college life, and also armed with questions for Nora, determined to learn the truth about their family history. That is, if Nora is her mother, and if any of the stories either of them tell are true ("My mother is a virgin"). These are unreliable narrators in top form, keeping readers guessing delightedly throughout. The author uses different fonts to intertwine several narratives, including hilarious entries from Effie's, and her classmates', novels-in-progress, while these excerpts are interrupted by Nora's snide commentary. Effie's academic hijinks may be a bit exaggerated, since she's slogging along on a paper on George Eliot while living with occasional electricity and a continually stoned boyfriend. But truly alarming things are happening in Dundee: someone is killing residents of a retirement home, and a strange woman is following Effie. While the narrators' constant backtalk can be tiresome, Atkinson's clever and sophisticated prose preserves the voices' sparkling energy. Readers may guess the family secret before it is revealed, but that doesn't steal any thunder from the unsettling and utterly original denouement. (June) Library Journal Stories within stories clutter the landscape of this second novel by Atkinson, whose Behind the Scenes at the Museum won the Whitbread Award in 1995. It is 1972, and 20-year-old Effie and her 37-year-old mother, Nora, are holed up in the family cottage on a forsaken Scottish island, where they tell each other the secret details of their lives, sometimes truthfully, sometimes not. Effie's narration concerns her and her slovenly, oddball University of Dundee classmates, detailing bits and pieces of their master's theses in between scenes of their dodging the homework demands of their psychologically messy professors. Nora is equally cagey about her own story, which ultimately reveals the identit. First Edition. Softcover. Good. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall.., Doubleday Publishing, 2000, Kennedy Galleries, Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969. Hard Cover. Good/No Jacket. 2" chip from top spine edge, shallow razor cut down front cover, otherwise looks well cared for. Binding tight, pages clean & bright.. Frontispiece of author after a portrait by himself. "John Singleton Copley (1738 - 1815) was an American painter, born presumably in Boston, Massachusetts and a son of Richard and Mary Singleton Copley, both Irish. He is famous for his portrait paintings of important figures in colonial New England, depicting in particular middle-class subjects. His paintings were innovative in their tendency to depict artifacts relating to these individuals' lives. Copley was fourteen or so and his step-father had recently died, when he made the earliest of his portraits now preserved, a likeness of his half-brother Charles Pelham, good in color and characterization though it has in its background accessories which are somewhat out of drawing. It is a remarkable work to have come from so young a hand. The artist was only fifteen when (it is believed) he painted the portrait of the Rev. William Welsteed, minister of the Brick Church in Long Lane, a work which, following Peter Pelham's practise, Copley personally engraved to get the benefit from the sale of prints. No other engraving has been attributed to Copley. A self-portrait, undated, depicting a boy of about seventeen in broken straw hat, and a painting of Mars, Venus and Vulcan, signed and dated 1754, disclose crudities of execution which do not obscure the decorative intent and documentary value of the works. Such painting would obviously advertise itself anywhere. Without going after business, for his letters do not indicate that he was ever aggressive or pushy, Copley was started as a professional portrait-painter long before he was of age. In October 1757, Capt. Thomas Ainslie, collector of the port of Quebec, acknowledged from Halifax the receipt of his portrait, which 'gives me great Satisfaction', and advised the artist to visit Nova Scotia 'where there are several people who would be glad to employ You.' This request to paint in Canada was later repeated from Quebec, Copley replying: 'I should receive a singular pleasure in excepting, if my Business was anyways slack, but it is so far otherwise that I have a large Room full of Pictures unfinished, which would ingage me these twelve months if I did not begin any others.' Besides painting portraits in oil, doubtless after a formula learned from Peter Pelham, Copley was a pioneer American pastellist. He wrote, on September 30, 1762, to the Swiss painter Jean-Ãtienne Liotard, asking him for 'a sett of the best Swiss Crayons for drawing of Portraits.' The young American anticipated Liotard's surprise 'that so remote a corner of the Globe as New England should have any demand for the necessary eutensils for practiceing the fine Arts' by assuring him that 'America which has been the seat of war and desolation, I would fain hope will one Day become the School of fine Arts.' The requested pastels were duly received and used by Copley in making many portraits in a medium suited to his talent. By this time he had begun to demonstrate his genius for rendering surface textures and capturing emotional immediacy. Copley's fame was established in England by the exhibition, in 1766, of The Boy with the Squirrel, which depicted his half-brother, Henry Pelham, seated at a table and playing with a pet squirrel. This picture, which made the young Boston painter a Fellow of the Society of Artists of Great Britain, by vote of September 3, 1766, had been painted the preceding year. Copley's letter of September 3, 1765, to Capt. R. G. Bruce, of the John and Sukey, reveals that it was taken to England as a personal favor in the luggage of Roger Hale, surveyor of the port of London. An anecdote relates that the painting, unaccompanied by name or letter of instructions, was delivered to Benjamin West (whom Mrs. Amory describes as then 'a member of the Royal Academy,' though the Academy was not yet in existence). West is said to have 'exclaimed with a warmth and enthusiasm of which those who knew him best could scarcely believe him capable, 'What delicious coloring worthy of Titian himself!'' The American squirrel, it is said, disclosed the colonial origin of the picture to the Pennsylvania-born Quaker artist. A letter from Copley was subsequently delivered to him. West got the canvas into the Exhibition of the year and wrote, on August 4, 1766, a letter to Copley in which he referred to Sir Joshua Reynolds's interest in the work and advised the artist to follow his example by making 'a viset to Europe for this porpase (of self-improvement) for three or four years.' West's subsequent letters were considerably responsible for making Copley discontented with his situation and prospects in a colonial town. Copley in his letters to West of October 13 and November 12, 1766 gleefully accepted the invitation to send other pictures to the Exhibition and mournfully referred to himself as 'peculiarly unlucky in Liveing in a place into which there has not been one portrait brought that is worthy to be call'd a Picture within my memory.' In a later letter to West, of June 17, 1768, he displayed a cautious person's reasons for not rashly giving up the good living which his art gave him. He wrote: 'I should be glad to go to Europe, but cannot think of it without a very good prospect of doing as well there as I can here. You are sensable that 300 Guineas a Year, which is my present income, is a pretty living in America... And what ever my ambition may be to excel in our noble Art, I cannot think of doing it at the expence of not only my own happyness, but that of a tender Mother and a Young Brother whose dependance is intirely upon me'. West replied on September 20, 1768, saying that he had talked over Copley's prospects with other artists of London 'and find that by their Candid approbation you have nothing to Hazard in Comeing to this Place.' The income which Copley earned by painting in the 1760s was extraordinary for his town and time. It had promoted the son of a needy tobacconist into the local aristocracy. The foremost personages of New England came to his painting-room as sitters. He married, on November 16, 1769, Sussannah Farnum Clarke, daughter of Richard and Elizabeth (Winslow) Clarke, the former being the very wealthy agent of the Honourable East India Company in Boston; the latter, a New England woman of Mayflower ancestry. The union was a happy one, and socially notable. Mrs. Copley was a beautiful woman of poise and serenity whose features are familiar through several of her husband's paintings. Copley had already bought land on the west side of Beacon Hill extending down to the Charles River. The newly-married Copleys, who would have six children, moved into 'a solitary house in Boston, on Beacon Hill, chosen with his keen perception of picturesque beauty'. It was on the approximately site of the present Boston Women's City Club. Here were painted the portraits of dignitaries of state and church, graceful women and charming children, in the mode of faithful and painstaking verisimilitude which Copley had made his own. The family's style of living at this period was that of people of wealth. John Trumbull told Dunlap that in 1771, being then a student at Harvard College, he called on Copley, who 'was dressed on the occasion in a suit of crimson velvet with gold buttons, and the elegance displayed by Copley in his style of living, added to his high repute as an artist, made a permanent impression on Trumbull in favor of the life of a painter.' In town and church affairs Copley took almost no part. He referred to himself as 'desireous of avoideing every imputation of party spirit. Political contests being neighther pleasing to an artist or advantageous to the Art itself.' His name appeared on January 29, 1771, on a petition of freeholders and inhabitants to have the powder house removed from the town whose existence it imperiled. Records of the Church in Brattle Square disclose that in 1772 Copley was asked to submit plans for a rebuilt meeting-house, and that he proposed an ambitious plan and elevation 'which was much admired for its Elegance and Grandure,' but which on account of probable expensiveness was not accepted by the society. Copley's sympathy with the politicians who were working toward American independence appears to have been genuine but not so vigorous as to lead him to participate in any of their plans. It was known to earlier biographers that Copley at one time painted portraits in New York City. The circumstances of this visit, which was supplemented by a few days in Philadelphia, were first disclosed through Prof. Guernsey Jones's discovery of many previously unpublished Copley and Pelham documents in the Public Record Office, London. From these letters and papers, published by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1914, it appears that in 1768 Copley painted in Boston a portrait of Myles Cooper, president of King's College, who then urged his visiting New York. Accepting the invitation later, Copley, between June 1771 and January 1772, painted thirty-seven portraits in New York, setting up his easel 'in Broadway, on the west side, in a house which was burned in the great conflagration on the night the British army entered the city as enemies.' Copley's letters to Henry Pelham, whom he left in charge of his affairs in Boston, describe minutely the journey across New England, his first impressions of New York, which 'has more Grand Buildings than Boston, the streets much cleaner and some much broader,' and the successful search for suitable lodgings and a painting-room; thereafter they give detailed accounts of sitters and social happenings. The correspondence also contains Copley's careful instructions to Pelham concerning the features of a new house then being built on his Beacon Hill 'farm,' giving elevations and specifications of the addition of 'peazas' which the artist saw for the first time in New York. Copley at the time had a lawsuit respecting title to some of his lands. His letters reveal a man who allowed such disputes to worry him considerably. In September 1771, Mr. and Mrs. Copley visited Philadelphia, where, at the home of Chief Justice William Allen, they 'saw a fine Coppy of the Titian Venus and Holy Family at whole length as large as life from Coregio'. On their return journey they viewed at New Brunswick, New Jersey several pictures attributed to van Dyck. 'The date is 1628 on one of them,' wrote Copley; 'it is without dout I think Vandyck did them before he came to England.' Back in New York Copley wrote, on October 17, requesting that a certain black dress of Mrs. Copley's be sent over at once. 'As we are much in company,' he said, 'we think it necessary Sukey [his wife] should have it, as her other Cloaths are mostly improper for her to wear'. On December 15 Copley informed Pelham that 'this Week finishes all my Business, no less than 37 Busts; so the weather permitting by Christmas we hope to be on the road.' Thus ended Copley's only American tour away from Boston. Accounts of his having painted in the South are without foundation. Most of the Southern portraits that have been popularly attributed to him were made by Henry Benbridge. His correspondents in England continued to urge Copley to undertake European studies. He saved an undated and unsigned letter from some one who wrote: 'Our people here are enrapture'd with him, he is compared to Vandyck, Reubens and all the great painters of Old.' His brother-in-law Jonathan Clarke, already in London, advised his 'comeing this way.' West wrote, on January 6, 1773: 'My Advice is, Mrs. Copley to remain in Boston till you have made this Tour [to Italy], After which, if you fix your place of reasidanc in London, Mrs. Copley to come over.' Political and economic conditions in Boston were increasingly turbulent. Copley's father-in-law, Mr. Clarke, was the merchant to whom was consigned the tea that provoked the Boston Tea Party. Copley's family connections were all Loyalists. He defended his wife's relatives at a meeting described in his letter of December 1, 1773. He wrote on April 26, 1774, of an unpleasant experience when a mob visited his house demanding the person of Col. George Watson, a Loyalist mandamus counselor who had gone elsewhere. The patriots having threatened to have his blood if he 'entertained any such Villain for the future,' Copley exclaimed: 'What a spirit! What if Mr. Watson had stayed (as I pressed him to) to spend the night. I must either have given up a friend to the insult of a Mob or had my house pulled down and perhaps my family murthered.' With many letters of introduction, all of which are published in the Copley-Pelham correspondence, Copley sailed from Boston in June 1774, leaving his mother, wife, and children in Henry Pelham's charge. He wrote on July 11 from London 'after a most easy and safe passage.' An early call was upon West, to 'find in him those amiable qualitys that makes his friendship boath desireable as an artist and as a Gentleman.' The American was duly introduced to Sir Joshua Reynolds and was taken to 'the Royal Academy where the Students had a naked model from which they were Drawing.' In London Copley took no sitters at this time though urged to do so. Shortly before leaving for Italy he 'dined with Gov'r Hutchinson, and I think there was 12 of us altogether, and all Bostonians, and we had Choice Salt Fish for Dinner.' On September 2, 1774, Copley chronicled his arrival at Paris (the beginning of a nine-month European tour), where he saw and painstakingly described many paintings and sculptures. His journey toward Rome was made in company of an artist named Carter, described as 'a captious, cross-grained and self conceited person who kept a regular journal of his tour in which he set down the smallest trifle that could bear a construction unfavorable to the American's character.' Carter was undoubtedly an uncongenial companion. Copley, however, may at times have been both depressing and bumptious. He found fault, according to Carter, with the French firewood because it gave out less heat than American wood, and he bragged of the art which America would produce when 'they shall have an independent government.' Copley's personal appearance was thus described by his uncharitable comrade: 'Very thin, a little pock-marked [presumably a souvenir, Kennedy Galleries Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969, New York: Knopf Publishing Group, 2003 <B> In ' A Dangerous Place' , Marc Reisner leads us through California's improbable history and rise from a largely desert land to the most populated state in the nation, fueled by an economic engine more productive than all of Africa. <P><B> He believes that the achievement of this, the last great desert civilization, hinges on California's denial of its own inescapable fate. Both the Los Angeles and San Francisco Bay areas sit astride two of the most violently seismic zones on the planet. The earthquakes that have already rocked California were, according to Reisner, mere prologues to a future cataclysm that will result in destruction of such magnitude that the only recourse will be to rebuild from the ground up. Reisner concludes A Dangerous Place with a hypothetical but chillingly realistic description of such a disaster and its horrifying after effects. FROM THE CRITICS The New York Times : The California dream of A Dangerous Place is a kind of mass psychosis, when it hasn't been a trompe l'oeil born of greed and power. The West Coast's brief but hysterical 19th-century gold rush seized the American imagination. Greed and power took over in the face of an overwhelming fact: that for all its appearance and promise of Paradise, California is a distinctly inhospitable place to live. This is particularly true of Los Angeles, which, Reisner argues, is civilization's ultimate absurdity in urban form. — Steve Erickson The Washington Post As his death approached, Marc Reisner fought to see this book get into print. Its publication is both a timely warning about how we put ourselves in harm's way and an unshakable monument to a writer of vision and insight. — David Helvarg Publishers Weekly Reisner, author of the NBCC Award-nominated Cadillac Desert, offers here a dire but convincing assessment of the future of California. Why have millions settled in dense population centers, engaged in intensive farming and built vast manufacturing complexes on land fundamentally unfit for such development? In Part I, Reisner details the colonization of the state by rapacious missionaries and robber baron developers. After the land grabbing came the political scheming to somehow import water to largely dry southern California-a problem that still hasn't been substantively addressed. In Part II, he explains the more grave, geological instability underlying all this development. Shifting plate tectonics in the region guarantee earthquakes (it's just a question of when and how often). Aware of the human capacity for denial, Reisner unfolds-in classic you-are-there fashion-a not-quite-worst-case scenario of destruction in the Bay Area after a 7.2 Richter scale earthquake hits the Hayward fault in, say, 2005. The Bay Bridge collapses, buildings crumple, roads buckle and landslides carry away entire houses, inundating freeways. Even if buildings aren't atop major geological faults (and many are), if they're perched on landfill or loose soil they may succumb to subsurface liquefaction. Worse yet, artificial water supply systems become unusable, as levees collapse and saline water invades reservoirs. Reisner manages the nearly impossible feat of explaining geopolitical history, hydro-engineering, plate tectonics and comparative seismology in an engaging, delightfully literate fashion. His untimely death in 2000 (at age 51, of colon cancer) was a loss to both belles lettres and natural resources politics. Agent, Joe Spieler. (Feb. 11) Forecast: This important book will appeal to many, including those outside the Golden State. Environmentalists will naturally go for it, but Reisner's witty, concise prose will attract general readers, too. Library Journal : This posthumous work by the author of the award-winning Cadillac Desert is a fitting tribute to his environmental concerns and the power of his writing. Reisner focuses here on the major population centers of the San Francisco Bay (where he resided until his death.</B><P>. Hardcover. New Condition/New book Jacket. 5-1/2 x 8-1/2., Knopf Publishing Group, 2003, Hay House, Inc., 2008 From the Publisher In our ability to rethink our lives lies our greatest power to change them. What we have called "middle age" need not be seen as a turning point toward death. It can be viewed as a magical turning point toward life as we've never known it, if we allow ourselves the power of an independent imagination-thought-forms that don't flow in a perfunctory manner from ancient assumptions merely handed down to us, but rather flower into new archetypal images of a humanity just getting started at 45 or 50. What we've learned by that time, from both our failures as well as our successes, tends to have humbled us into purity. When we were young, we had energy but we were clueless about what to do with it. Today, we have less energy, perhaps, but we have far more understanding of what each breath of life is for. And now at last, we have a destiny to fulfill-not a destiny of a life that's simply over, but rather a destiny of a life that is finally truly lived. Midlife is not a crisis; it's a time of rebirth. It's not a time to accept your death; it's a time to accept your life-and to finally, truly live it, as you and you alone know deep in your heart it was meant to be lived. Graham Christian - Library Journal Williamson is unarguably one of the most visible and influential writers in spirituality and almost as puzzling as the book that was her inspiration and the foundation of her early fame, A Course in Miracles. Raised in a Jewish household, Williamson, after a string of personal mishaps entirely typical of American life, found her way to the Course, a book dictated by, so its "medium" Helen Schucman claimed, the voice of Jesus. Williamson's book-length exposition of Schucman's curious post-Christian mysticism, Return to Love(1992), became a best seller. Williamson's later work has distanced itself from the Course, and The Age of Miraclesis hardly an exception to this later practice-it is a grab bag of anecdote, precepts, and bland advice on middle age (Williamson herself is in her middle fifties). Its publication, although it scarcely mentions the Course, will coincide (or perhaps the better word is converge) with Williamson's new lectures on the Courseon Oprah Winfrey's radio channel, XM 156. The force of Oprah's approbation is so great as to render review almost irrelevant, but we will say that The Age of Miraclesis more of the same for the persuaded and will not damage innocent minds. For most collections.. Hardcover. Very Good Condition., Hay House Inc., 2008, Ediburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1963. Pamphlet. Very Good. 15pp.SIR WALTER SCOTT makes the remark in one of his letters that portrait painters came so frequently to Abbotsford to take his likeness that old Maida, the deer-hound, in constant demand as a romantic accessory, stalked from the room in disgust whenever an artist unpacked his colour-box and canvas. In the files of the National Portrait Gallery in Edinburgh you will find upwards of a hundred faces of Scott on record and almost as many likenesses of Burns. But herein lies a difference: for while almost every portrait of Scott in this array can be vouched for and documented from voluminous personal memorials or from other sources, only a very small part of the mass of Burns material can be regarded as in any way authentic. Secondary copies, imaginative likenesses, optimistic guesses, and downright frauds have bedevilled the study of Burns's iconography over the last one hundred and sixty years, and only a rigorous pruning to the barest minimum that the standards of authenticity will allow, can provide a reasoned understanding of Burns's true appearance. I have written this essay partly to serve as a guide through the tangled jungle of pseudo-Bums portraiture, but also in part to examine the reliability of those portraits that today we accept as authentic; and in number these are only six., Oliver & Boyd, 1963, Rochester, Minnesota: National Community Resource Center, 1999. "This book focuses on the destructive beliefs that surface daily among our youth. It will capture your imagination with its descriptions of the complex and callous hardships to which many of our youth fall victim. The book's straightforward approach covers the tragedies and the misconceptions that America has of its youth and its socially and economically deprived. It will equip you with positive solutions. And, it will inspire in you a faith to develop lasting, meaningful relationships with our youth." {Dr. Louis Hall}. This book has 369 pages.. ISBN: 1-885442-02-5. Not Given. Cloth. Fine/Fine. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall. Youth Violence, Belief-Behavior Connection, Crisis Intervention. Catalogs: Teenagers, Law, Psychology, Family, Sex/Love, Sociology., National Community Resource Center, 1999, Gordonsville, Virginia, U.S.A.: St Martins Pr, 1999. Signed by author on title page. Though it's a legal document, the Starr Report, published in late 1998, reads like a racy novel about the most powerful man in the world, President Bill Clinton, and a young intern, Monica Lewinsky, who's portrayed as a spoiled Beverly Hills brat performing oral sex on the president while he talked to colleagues on the telephone. Andrew Morton, the author of Diana: Her True Story, spent several months interviewing Lewinsky after the scandal broke; the result is Monica's Story, which asserts that the picture the Starr Report paints of Lewinsky is totally incorrect. Morton believes she and the president had an emotional, mutually satisfying relationship, which, if circumstances had been different, would probably have remained secret. Although he covers much of the same territory as the Starr Report, he adds details of conversations Lewinsky and Clinton had in an attempt to show the depth of the relationship. In chapters with titles like "Grunge, Granola, and Andy" and "Terror in Room 1012," he paints a portrait of a "child-woman" who is sexually liberated but also intelligent, loving, and well mannered. "[She] could be anybody's sister," he insists, "anybody's daughter." The book is most interesting, however, in its descriptions of the political intrigue, lies, and deception resulting from Kenneth Starr's investigation. Leading the evil band is Linda Tripp, described as a black-hearted, shameless manipulator who betrayed Lewinsky and spurred the scandal for her own personal gain (she was planning to write a book about Clinton). He also examines the media's hatred for Lewinsky--particularly that of women writers who became obsessed with her weight and body shape. "Just as the O.J. Simpson trial exposed the racial fault line running through American society," he argues, "so the Monica Lewinsky saga has spotlighted the underlying misogyny that still permeates American life." Monica's Story is gripping stuff--porn, fantasy, farce, political commentary, and tragedy all rolled into one. --Dale Kneen, Amazon.co.uk Book Description Imagine that you are twenty-four years old and have been confiding in one of your closest friends about your on-again, off-again relationship with a married man twice your age. Then imagine your name is Monica Lewinsky, the man's name is Bill Clinton, and your friend's name is Linda Tripp--who has secretly tape-recorded your confidences and passed the tapes along to Kenneth Starr. Suddenly you find yourself surrounded by government agents who threaten you with twenty-seven years in jail if you do not tell them every detail of your private life and cooperate fully in their investigation of the President. In the summer of 1995, Monica Lewinsky, then twenty-one years old and fresh out of college, went to work as an unpaid intern at the White House. What happened next, as a vivacious young woman's "crush" on her boss led to her public humiliation and the impeachment of the President of the United States, has been documented in shocking detail. But have we heard the true story? Betrayed by Linda Tripp, Monica found herself a pawn in the power struggle between President Clinton and the Office of the Independent Counsel. As she waited to face the grand jury investigating the President, the media conducted its own trial of Monica, while her legal predicament prevented her from telling the world what really happened. Monica's Story at last sets the record straight. Drawing on his exclusive conversations with Monica, her family, and her friends, bestselling biographer Andrew Morton paints a complex and compelling portrait of a generous-hearted but troubled young woman whose dreams of romance had unimaginable consequences. Monica was compelled to answer the grand jury's questions, but it was to Andrew Morton that she unfolded the whole story of her experiences before, during, and after the White House scandal. The result is a candid, intimate biography of a young woman whose life holds some surprising secrets--and whose public image is very different from the private truths revealed in these pages. . Signed by Author. First Edition. Hard Cover. Near Fine/Near Fine. Illus. by Color Photos., St Martins Pr, 1999<
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Youth Violence: The Belief-Behavior Connection - Solutions for Prevention and Intervention - used book
1999, ISBN: 9781885442024
Rochester, Minnesota: National Community Resource Center, 1999. "This book focuses on the destructive beliefs that surface daily among our youth. It will capture your imagination wit… More...
Rochester, Minnesota: National Community Resource Center, 1999. "This book focuses on the destructive beliefs that surface daily among our youth. It will capture your imagination with its descriptions of the complex and callous hardships to which many of our youth fall victim. The book's straightforward approach covers the tragedies and the misconceptions that America has of its youth and its socially and economically deprived. It will equip you with positive solutions. And, it will inspire in you a faith to develop lasting, meaningful relationships with our youth." {Dr. Louis Hall}. This book has 369 pages.. ISBN: 1-885442-02-5. Not Given. Cloth. Fine/Fine. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall. Youth Violence, Belief-Behavior Connection, Crisis Intervention. Catalogs: Teenagers, Law, Psychology, Family, Sex/Love, Sociology., National Community Resource Center, 1999<
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ISBN: 9781885442024
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2000, ISBN: 1885442025
Paperback, Hardcover
United Kingdom, 02 March 2000: Doubleday Publishing, 2000 Crease to cover, some tanning/foxing to book. From the Publisher A thoroughly original and hilarious novel about mothers, daughte… More...
United Kingdom, 02 March 2000: Doubleday Publishing, 2000 Crease to cover, some tanning/foxing to book. From the Publisher A thoroughly original and hilarious novel about mothers, daughters, and love, by the author of Behind the Scenes at the Museum. On a weather-beaten island off the coast of Scotland, Effie and her mother, Nora, take refuge in the large, mouldering house of their ancestors and tell each other stories. Nora, at first, recounts nothing that Effie really wants to hear--like who her real father was. Effie tells various versions of her life at college, where in fact she lives in a lethargic relationship with Bob, a student who never goes to lectures, seldom gets out of bed, and to whom Klingons are as real as Spaniards and Germans. But as mother and daughter spin their tales, strange things are happening around them. Is Effie being followed? Is someone killing the old people? And where is the mysterious yellow dog? In a brilliant comic narrative which explores the nonsensical power of language and meaning, Kate Atkinson has created another magical masterpiece. Barnes & Noble Guide to New Fiction "This is writing." Atkinson's "brilliantly rendered, multilayered and fascinating" novel about mothers, daughters, and love is "witty, well-crafted, and clever. A definite recommendation." "Impossible to put down." "Now I won't rest until all of Ms. Atkinson's other novels sit securely on my 'to be read' pile. Thank you for introducing me to this talent." Publishers Weekly When Atkinson's first novel, Behind the Scenes at the Museum, beat out Salman Rushdie's The Moor's Last Sigh for the 1995 Whitbread Book of the Year Award, a controversy in the British press ensued. But this imaginative and unconventional writer strikes back at her detractors in her third book (after Human Croquet), skewering the academic literary establishment with understated but spot-on humor, while telling an imaginative tale both outrageously funny and poignantly human: Tom Robbins meets John Irving. Euphemia "Effie" Andrews, a 21-year-old Scot and student at the University of Dundee, arrives at a remote, barren Scottish island to swap life stories with her mother, Nora. Effie comes with a slew of tales about the free-love and druggy chaos of her early 1970s college life, and also armed with questions for Nora, determined to learn the truth about their family history. That is, if Nora is her mother, and if any of the stories either of them tell are true ("My mother is a virgin"). These are unreliable narrators in top form, keeping readers guessing delightedly throughout. The author uses different fonts to intertwine several narratives, including hilarious entries from Effie's, and her classmates', novels-in-progress, while these excerpts are interrupted by Nora's snide commentary. Effie's academic hijinks may be a bit exaggerated, since she's slogging along on a paper on George Eliot while living with occasional electricity and a continually stoned boyfriend. But truly alarming things are happening in Dundee: someone is killing residents of a retirement home, and a strange woman is following Effie. While the narrators' constant backtalk can be tiresome, Atkinson's clever and sophisticated prose preserves the voices' sparkling energy. Readers may guess the family secret before it is revealed, but that doesn't steal any thunder from the unsettling and utterly original denouement. (June) Library Journal Stories within stories clutter the landscape of this second novel by Atkinson, whose Behind the Scenes at the Museum won the Whitbread Award in 1995. It is 1972, and 20-year-old Effie and her 37-year-old mother, Nora, are holed up in the family cottage on a forsaken Scottish island, where they tell each other the secret details of their lives, sometimes truthfully, sometimes not. Effie's narration concerns her and her slovenly, oddball University of Dundee classmates, detailing bits and pieces of their master's theses in between scenes of their dodging the homework demands of their psychologically messy professors. Nora is equally cagey about her own story, which ultimately reveals the identit. First Edition. Softcover. Good. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall.., Doubleday Publishing, 2000, Kennedy Galleries, Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969. Hard Cover. Good/No Jacket. 2" chip from top spine edge, shallow razor cut down front cover, otherwise looks well cared for. Binding tight, pages clean & bright.. Frontispiece of author after a portrait by himself. "John Singleton Copley (1738 - 1815) was an American painter, born presumably in Boston, Massachusetts and a son of Richard and Mary Singleton Copley, both Irish. He is famous for his portrait paintings of important figures in colonial New England, depicting in particular middle-class subjects. His paintings were innovative in their tendency to depict artifacts relating to these individuals' lives. Copley was fourteen or so and his step-father had recently died, when he made the earliest of his portraits now preserved, a likeness of his half-brother Charles Pelham, good in color and characterization though it has in its background accessories which are somewhat out of drawing. It is a remarkable work to have come from so young a hand. The artist was only fifteen when (it is believed) he painted the portrait of the Rev. William Welsteed, minister of the Brick Church in Long Lane, a work which, following Peter Pelham's practise, Copley personally engraved to get the benefit from the sale of prints. No other engraving has been attributed to Copley. A self-portrait, undated, depicting a boy of about seventeen in broken straw hat, and a painting of Mars, Venus and Vulcan, signed and dated 1754, disclose crudities of execution which do not obscure the decorative intent and documentary value of the works. Such painting would obviously advertise itself anywhere. Without going after business, for his letters do not indicate that he was ever aggressive or pushy, Copley was started as a professional portrait-painter long before he was of age. In October 1757, Capt. Thomas Ainslie, collector of the port of Quebec, acknowledged from Halifax the receipt of his portrait, which 'gives me great Satisfaction', and advised the artist to visit Nova Scotia 'where there are several people who would be glad to employ You.' This request to paint in Canada was later repeated from Quebec, Copley replying: 'I should receive a singular pleasure in excepting, if my Business was anyways slack, but it is so far otherwise that I have a large Room full of Pictures unfinished, which would ingage me these twelve months if I did not begin any others.' Besides painting portraits in oil, doubtless after a formula learned from Peter Pelham, Copley was a pioneer American pastellist. He wrote, on September 30, 1762, to the Swiss painter Jean-Ãtienne Liotard, asking him for 'a sett of the best Swiss Crayons for drawing of Portraits.' The young American anticipated Liotard's surprise 'that so remote a corner of the Globe as New England should have any demand for the necessary eutensils for practiceing the fine Arts' by assuring him that 'America which has been the seat of war and desolation, I would fain hope will one Day become the School of fine Arts.' The requested pastels were duly received and used by Copley in making many portraits in a medium suited to his talent. By this time he had begun to demonstrate his genius for rendering surface textures and capturing emotional immediacy. Copley's fame was established in England by the exhibition, in 1766, of The Boy with the Squirrel, which depicted his half-brother, Henry Pelham, seated at a table and playing with a pet squirrel. This picture, which made the young Boston painter a Fellow of the Society of Artists of Great Britain, by vote of September 3, 1766, had been painted the preceding year. Copley's letter of September 3, 1765, to Capt. R. G. Bruce, of the John and Sukey, reveals that it was taken to England as a personal favor in the luggage of Roger Hale, surveyor of the port of London. An anecdote relates that the painting, unaccompanied by name or letter of instructions, was delivered to Benjamin West (whom Mrs. Amory describes as then 'a member of the Royal Academy,' though the Academy was not yet in existence). West is said to have 'exclaimed with a warmth and enthusiasm of which those who knew him best could scarcely believe him capable, 'What delicious coloring worthy of Titian himself!'' The American squirrel, it is said, disclosed the colonial origin of the picture to the Pennsylvania-born Quaker artist. A letter from Copley was subsequently delivered to him. West got the canvas into the Exhibition of the year and wrote, on August 4, 1766, a letter to Copley in which he referred to Sir Joshua Reynolds's interest in the work and advised the artist to follow his example by making 'a viset to Europe for this porpase (of self-improvement) for three or four years.' West's subsequent letters were considerably responsible for making Copley discontented with his situation and prospects in a colonial town. Copley in his letters to West of October 13 and November 12, 1766 gleefully accepted the invitation to send other pictures to the Exhibition and mournfully referred to himself as 'peculiarly unlucky in Liveing in a place into which there has not been one portrait brought that is worthy to be call'd a Picture within my memory.' In a later letter to West, of June 17, 1768, he displayed a cautious person's reasons for not rashly giving up the good living which his art gave him. He wrote: 'I should be glad to go to Europe, but cannot think of it without a very good prospect of doing as well there as I can here. You are sensable that 300 Guineas a Year, which is my present income, is a pretty living in America... And what ever my ambition may be to excel in our noble Art, I cannot think of doing it at the expence of not only my own happyness, but that of a tender Mother and a Young Brother whose dependance is intirely upon me'. West replied on September 20, 1768, saying that he had talked over Copley's prospects with other artists of London 'and find that by their Candid approbation you have nothing to Hazard in Comeing to this Place.' The income which Copley earned by painting in the 1760s was extraordinary for his town and time. It had promoted the son of a needy tobacconist into the local aristocracy. The foremost personages of New England came to his painting-room as sitters. He married, on November 16, 1769, Sussannah Farnum Clarke, daughter of Richard and Elizabeth (Winslow) Clarke, the former being the very wealthy agent of the Honourable East India Company in Boston; the latter, a New England woman of Mayflower ancestry. The union was a happy one, and socially notable. Mrs. Copley was a beautiful woman of poise and serenity whose features are familiar through several of her husband's paintings. Copley had already bought land on the west side of Beacon Hill extending down to the Charles River. The newly-married Copleys, who would have six children, moved into 'a solitary house in Boston, on Beacon Hill, chosen with his keen perception of picturesque beauty'. It was on the approximately site of the present Boston Women's City Club. Here were painted the portraits of dignitaries of state and church, graceful women and charming children, in the mode of faithful and painstaking verisimilitude which Copley had made his own. The family's style of living at this period was that of people of wealth. John Trumbull told Dunlap that in 1771, being then a student at Harvard College, he called on Copley, who 'was dressed on the occasion in a suit of crimson velvet with gold buttons, and the elegance displayed by Copley in his style of living, added to his high repute as an artist, made a permanent impression on Trumbull in favor of the life of a painter.' In town and church affairs Copley took almost no part. He referred to himself as 'desireous of avoideing every imputation of party spirit. Political contests being neighther pleasing to an artist or advantageous to the Art itself.' His name appeared on January 29, 1771, on a petition of freeholders and inhabitants to have the powder house removed from the town whose existence it imperiled. Records of the Church in Brattle Square disclose that in 1772 Copley was asked to submit plans for a rebuilt meeting-house, and that he proposed an ambitious plan and elevation 'which was much admired for its Elegance and Grandure,' but which on account of probable expensiveness was not accepted by the society. Copley's sympathy with the politicians who were working toward American independence appears to have been genuine but not so vigorous as to lead him to participate in any of their plans. It was known to earlier biographers that Copley at one time painted portraits in New York City. The circumstances of this visit, which was supplemented by a few days in Philadelphia, were first disclosed through Prof. Guernsey Jones's discovery of many previously unpublished Copley and Pelham documents in the Public Record Office, London. From these letters and papers, published by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1914, it appears that in 1768 Copley painted in Boston a portrait of Myles Cooper, president of King's College, who then urged his visiting New York. Accepting the invitation later, Copley, between June 1771 and January 1772, painted thirty-seven portraits in New York, setting up his easel 'in Broadway, on the west side, in a house which was burned in the great conflagration on the night the British army entered the city as enemies.' Copley's letters to Henry Pelham, whom he left in charge of his affairs in Boston, describe minutely the journey across New England, his first impressions of New York, which 'has more Grand Buildings than Boston, the streets much cleaner and some much broader,' and the successful search for suitable lodgings and a painting-room; thereafter they give detailed accounts of sitters and social happenings. The correspondence also contains Copley's careful instructions to Pelham concerning the features of a new house then being built on his Beacon Hill 'farm,' giving elevations and specifications of the addition of 'peazas' which the artist saw for the first time in New York. Copley at the time had a lawsuit respecting title to some of his lands. His letters reveal a man who allowed such disputes to worry him considerably. In September 1771, Mr. and Mrs. Copley visited Philadelphia, where, at the home of Chief Justice William Allen, they 'saw a fine Coppy of the Titian Venus and Holy Family at whole length as large as life from Coregio'. On their return journey they viewed at New Brunswick, New Jersey several pictures attributed to van Dyck. 'The date is 1628 on one of them,' wrote Copley; 'it is without dout I think Vandyck did them before he came to England.' Back in New York Copley wrote, on October 17, requesting that a certain black dress of Mrs. Copley's be sent over at once. 'As we are much in company,' he said, 'we think it necessary Sukey [his wife] should have it, as her other Cloaths are mostly improper for her to wear'. On December 15 Copley informed Pelham that 'this Week finishes all my Business, no less than 37 Busts; so the weather permitting by Christmas we hope to be on the road.' Thus ended Copley's only American tour away from Boston. Accounts of his having painted in the South are without foundation. Most of the Southern portraits that have been popularly attributed to him were made by Henry Benbridge. His correspondents in England continued to urge Copley to undertake European studies. He saved an undated and unsigned letter from some one who wrote: 'Our people here are enrapture'd with him, he is compared to Vandyck, Reubens and all the great painters of Old.' His brother-in-law Jonathan Clarke, already in London, advised his 'comeing this way.' West wrote, on January 6, 1773: 'My Advice is, Mrs. Copley to remain in Boston till you have made this Tour [to Italy], After which, if you fix your place of reasidanc in London, Mrs. Copley to come over.' Political and economic conditions in Boston were increasingly turbulent. Copley's father-in-law, Mr. Clarke, was the merchant to whom was consigned the tea that provoked the Boston Tea Party. Copley's family connections were all Loyalists. He defended his wife's relatives at a meeting described in his letter of December 1, 1773. He wrote on April 26, 1774, of an unpleasant experience when a mob visited his house demanding the person of Col. George Watson, a Loyalist mandamus counselor who had gone elsewhere. The patriots having threatened to have his blood if he 'entertained any such Villain for the future,' Copley exclaimed: 'What a spirit! What if Mr. Watson had stayed (as I pressed him to) to spend the night. I must either have given up a friend to the insult of a Mob or had my house pulled down and perhaps my family murthered.' With many letters of introduction, all of which are published in the Copley-Pelham correspondence, Copley sailed from Boston in June 1774, leaving his mother, wife, and children in Henry Pelham's charge. He wrote on July 11 from London 'after a most easy and safe passage.' An early call was upon West, to 'find in him those amiable qualitys that makes his friendship boath desireable as an artist and as a Gentleman.' The American was duly introduced to Sir Joshua Reynolds and was taken to 'the Royal Academy where the Students had a naked model from which they were Drawing.' In London Copley took no sitters at this time though urged to do so. Shortly before leaving for Italy he 'dined with Gov'r Hutchinson, and I think there was 12 of us altogether, and all Bostonians, and we had Choice Salt Fish for Dinner.' On September 2, 1774, Copley chronicled his arrival at Paris (the beginning of a nine-month European tour), where he saw and painstakingly described many paintings and sculptures. His journey toward Rome was made in company of an artist named Carter, described as 'a captious, cross-grained and self conceited person who kept a regular journal of his tour in which he set down the smallest trifle that could bear a construction unfavorable to the American's character.' Carter was undoubtedly an uncongenial companion. Copley, however, may at times have been both depressing and bumptious. He found fault, according to Carter, with the French firewood because it gave out less heat than American wood, and he bragged of the art which America would produce when 'they shall have an independent government.' Copley's personal appearance was thus described by his uncharitable comrade: 'Very thin, a little pock-marked [presumably a souvenir, Kennedy Galleries Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969, New York: Knopf Publishing Group, 2003 <B> In ' A Dangerous Place' , Marc Reisner leads us through California's improbable history and rise from a largely desert land to the most populated state in the nation, fueled by an economic engine more productive than all of Africa. <P><B> He believes that the achievement of this, the last great desert civilization, hinges on California's denial of its own inescapable fate. Both the Los Angeles and San Francisco Bay areas sit astride two of the most violently seismic zones on the planet. The earthquakes that have already rocked California were, according to Reisner, mere prologues to a future cataclysm that will result in destruction of such magnitude that the only recourse will be to rebuild from the ground up. Reisner concludes A Dangerous Place with a hypothetical but chillingly realistic description of such a disaster and its horrifying after effects. FROM THE CRITICS The New York Times : The California dream of A Dangerous Place is a kind of mass psychosis, when it hasn't been a trompe l'oeil born of greed and power. The West Coast's brief but hysterical 19th-century gold rush seized the American imagination. Greed and power took over in the face of an overwhelming fact: that for all its appearance and promise of Paradise, California is a distinctly inhospitable place to live. This is particularly true of Los Angeles, which, Reisner argues, is civilization's ultimate absurdity in urban form. — Steve Erickson The Washington Post As his death approached, Marc Reisner fought to see this book get into print. Its publication is both a timely warning about how we put ourselves in harm's way and an unshakable monument to a writer of vision and insight. — David Helvarg Publishers Weekly Reisner, author of the NBCC Award-nominated Cadillac Desert, offers here a dire but convincing assessment of the future of California. Why have millions settled in dense population centers, engaged in intensive farming and built vast manufacturing complexes on land fundamentally unfit for such development? In Part I, Reisner details the colonization of the state by rapacious missionaries and robber baron developers. After the land grabbing came the political scheming to somehow import water to largely dry southern California-a problem that still hasn't been substantively addressed. In Part II, he explains the more grave, geological instability underlying all this development. Shifting plate tectonics in the region guarantee earthquakes (it's just a question of when and how often). Aware of the human capacity for denial, Reisner unfolds-in classic you-are-there fashion-a not-quite-worst-case scenario of destruction in the Bay Area after a 7.2 Richter scale earthquake hits the Hayward fault in, say, 2005. The Bay Bridge collapses, buildings crumple, roads buckle and landslides carry away entire houses, inundating freeways. Even if buildings aren't atop major geological faults (and many are), if they're perched on landfill or loose soil they may succumb to subsurface liquefaction. Worse yet, artificial water supply systems become unusable, as levees collapse and saline water invades reservoirs. Reisner manages the nearly impossible feat of explaining geopolitical history, hydro-engineering, plate tectonics and comparative seismology in an engaging, delightfully literate fashion. His untimely death in 2000 (at age 51, of colon cancer) was a loss to both belles lettres and natural resources politics. Agent, Joe Spieler. (Feb. 11) Forecast: This important book will appeal to many, including those outside the Golden State. Environmentalists will naturally go for it, but Reisner's witty, concise prose will attract general readers, too. Library Journal : This posthumous work by the author of the award-winning Cadillac Desert is a fitting tribute to his environmental concerns and the power of his writing. Reisner focuses here on the major population centers of the San Francisco Bay (where he resided until his death.</B><P>. Hardcover. New Condition/New book Jacket. 5-1/2 x 8-1/2., Knopf Publishing Group, 2003, Hay House, Inc., 2008 From the Publisher In our ability to rethink our lives lies our greatest power to change them. What we have called "middle age" need not be seen as a turning point toward death. It can be viewed as a magical turning point toward life as we've never known it, if we allow ourselves the power of an independent imagination-thought-forms that don't flow in a perfunctory manner from ancient assumptions merely handed down to us, but rather flower into new archetypal images of a humanity just getting started at 45 or 50. What we've learned by that time, from both our failures as well as our successes, tends to have humbled us into purity. When we were young, we had energy but we were clueless about what to do with it. Today, we have less energy, perhaps, but we have far more understanding of what each breath of life is for. And now at last, we have a destiny to fulfill-not a destiny of a life that's simply over, but rather a destiny of a life that is finally truly lived. Midlife is not a crisis; it's a time of rebirth. It's not a time to accept your death; it's a time to accept your life-and to finally, truly live it, as you and you alone know deep in your heart it was meant to be lived. Graham Christian - Library Journal Williamson is unarguably one of the most visible and influential writers in spirituality and almost as puzzling as the book that was her inspiration and the foundation of her early fame, A Course in Miracles. Raised in a Jewish household, Williamson, after a string of personal mishaps entirely typical of American life, found her way to the Course, a book dictated by, so its "medium" Helen Schucman claimed, the voice of Jesus. Williamson's book-length exposition of Schucman's curious post-Christian mysticism, Return to Love(1992), became a best seller. Williamson's later work has distanced itself from the Course, and The Age of Miraclesis hardly an exception to this later practice-it is a grab bag of anecdote, precepts, and bland advice on middle age (Williamson herself is in her middle fifties). Its publication, although it scarcely mentions the Course, will coincide (or perhaps the better word is converge) with Williamson's new lectures on the Courseon Oprah Winfrey's radio channel, XM 156. The force of Oprah's approbation is so great as to render review almost irrelevant, but we will say that The Age of Miraclesis more of the same for the persuaded and will not damage innocent minds. For most collections.. Hardcover. Very Good Condition., Hay House Inc., 2008, Ediburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1963. Pamphlet. Very Good. 15pp.SIR WALTER SCOTT makes the remark in one of his letters that portrait painters came so frequently to Abbotsford to take his likeness that old Maida, the deer-hound, in constant demand as a romantic accessory, stalked from the room in disgust whenever an artist unpacked his colour-box and canvas. In the files of the National Portrait Gallery in Edinburgh you will find upwards of a hundred faces of Scott on record and almost as many likenesses of Burns. But herein lies a difference: for while almost every portrait of Scott in this array can be vouched for and documented from voluminous personal memorials or from other sources, only a very small part of the mass of Burns material can be regarded as in any way authentic. Secondary copies, imaginative likenesses, optimistic guesses, and downright frauds have bedevilled the study of Burns's iconography over the last one hundred and sixty years, and only a rigorous pruning to the barest minimum that the standards of authenticity will allow, can provide a reasoned understanding of Burns's true appearance. I have written this essay partly to serve as a guide through the tangled jungle of pseudo-Bums portraiture, but also in part to examine the reliability of those portraits that today we accept as authentic; and in number these are only six., Oliver & Boyd, 1963, Rochester, Minnesota: National Community Resource Center, 1999. "This book focuses on the destructive beliefs that surface daily among our youth. It will capture your imagination with its descriptions of the complex and callous hardships to which many of our youth fall victim. The book's straightforward approach covers the tragedies and the misconceptions that America has of its youth and its socially and economically deprived. It will equip you with positive solutions. And, it will inspire in you a faith to develop lasting, meaningful relationships with our youth." {Dr. Louis Hall}. This book has 369 pages.. ISBN: 1-885442-02-5. Not Given. Cloth. Fine/Fine. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall. Youth Violence, Belief-Behavior Connection, Crisis Intervention. Catalogs: Teenagers, Law, Psychology, Family, Sex/Love, Sociology., National Community Resource Center, 1999, Gordonsville, Virginia, U.S.A.: St Martins Pr, 1999. Signed by author on title page. Though it's a legal document, the Starr Report, published in late 1998, reads like a racy novel about the most powerful man in the world, President Bill Clinton, and a young intern, Monica Lewinsky, who's portrayed as a spoiled Beverly Hills brat performing oral sex on the president while he talked to colleagues on the telephone. Andrew Morton, the author of Diana: Her True Story, spent several months interviewing Lewinsky after the scandal broke; the result is Monica's Story, which asserts that the picture the Starr Report paints of Lewinsky is totally incorrect. Morton believes she and the president had an emotional, mutually satisfying relationship, which, if circumstances had been different, would probably have remained secret. Although he covers much of the same territory as the Starr Report, he adds details of conversations Lewinsky and Clinton had in an attempt to show the depth of the relationship. In chapters with titles like "Grunge, Granola, and Andy" and "Terror in Room 1012," he paints a portrait of a "child-woman" who is sexually liberated but also intelligent, loving, and well mannered. "[She] could be anybody's sister," he insists, "anybody's daughter." The book is most interesting, however, in its descriptions of the political intrigue, lies, and deception resulting from Kenneth Starr's investigation. Leading the evil band is Linda Tripp, described as a black-hearted, shameless manipulator who betrayed Lewinsky and spurred the scandal for her own personal gain (she was planning to write a book about Clinton). He also examines the media's hatred for Lewinsky--particularly that of women writers who became obsessed with her weight and body shape. "Just as the O.J. Simpson trial exposed the racial fault line running through American society," he argues, "so the Monica Lewinsky saga has spotlighted the underlying misogyny that still permeates American life." Monica's Story is gripping stuff--porn, fantasy, farce, political commentary, and tragedy all rolled into one. --Dale Kneen, Amazon.co.uk Book Description Imagine that you are twenty-four years old and have been confiding in one of your closest friends about your on-again, off-again relationship with a married man twice your age. Then imagine your name is Monica Lewinsky, the man's name is Bill Clinton, and your friend's name is Linda Tripp--who has secretly tape-recorded your confidences and passed the tapes along to Kenneth Starr. Suddenly you find yourself surrounded by government agents who threaten you with twenty-seven years in jail if you do not tell them every detail of your private life and cooperate fully in their investigation of the President. In the summer of 1995, Monica Lewinsky, then twenty-one years old and fresh out of college, went to work as an unpaid intern at the White House. What happened next, as a vivacious young woman's "crush" on her boss led to her public humiliation and the impeachment of the President of the United States, has been documented in shocking detail. But have we heard the true story? Betrayed by Linda Tripp, Monica found herself a pawn in the power struggle between President Clinton and the Office of the Independent Counsel. As she waited to face the grand jury investigating the President, the media conducted its own trial of Monica, while her legal predicament prevented her from telling the world what really happened. Monica's Story at last sets the record straight. Drawing on his exclusive conversations with Monica, her family, and her friends, bestselling biographer Andrew Morton paints a complex and compelling portrait of a generous-hearted but troubled young woman whose dreams of romance had unimaginable consequences. Monica was compelled to answer the grand jury's questions, but it was to Andrew Morton that she unfolded the whole story of her experiences before, during, and after the White House scandal. The result is a candid, intimate biography of a young woman whose life holds some surprising secrets--and whose public image is very different from the private truths revealed in these pages. . Signed by Author. First Edition. Hard Cover. Near Fine/Near Fine. Illus. by Color Photos., St Martins Pr, 1999<
Amstutz, Wendell:
Youth Violence: The Belief-Behavior Connection - Solutions for Prevention and Intervention - used book1999, ISBN: 9781885442024
Rochester, Minnesota: National Community Resource Center, 1999. "This book focuses on the destructive beliefs that surface daily among our youth. It will capture your imagination wit… More...
Rochester, Minnesota: National Community Resource Center, 1999. "This book focuses on the destructive beliefs that surface daily among our youth. It will capture your imagination with its descriptions of the complex and callous hardships to which many of our youth fall victim. The book's straightforward approach covers the tragedies and the misconceptions that America has of its youth and its socially and economically deprived. It will equip you with positive solutions. And, it will inspire in you a faith to develop lasting, meaningful relationships with our youth." {Dr. Louis Hall}. This book has 369 pages.. ISBN: 1-885442-02-5. Not Given. Cloth. Fine/Fine. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall. Youth Violence, Belief-Behavior Connection, Crisis Intervention. Catalogs: Teenagers, Law, Psychology, Family, Sex/Love, Sociology., National Community Resource Center, 1999<
ISBN: 9781885442024
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EAN (ISBN-13): 9781885442024
ISBN (ISBN-10): 1885442025
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Publishing year: 2000
Publisher: National Community Resource Center
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