2007, ISBN: 9780316730327
Hardcover
New York [1948], Harper. Gray cloth, end paper maps, index, bibliography, maps, 374p., 15 x 21.5 cm., very good, clean & solid, faint round stain on front cover, barely noticable, int… More...
New York [1948], Harper. Gray cloth, end paper maps, index, bibliography, maps, 374p., 15 x 21.5 cm., very good, clean & solid, faint round stain on front cover, barely noticable, interior pristine, spine a bit dull.* FIRST & ONLY EDITION * . *** **** *** . . DONALD'S LAST DYING WORDS ARE THIS BIOGRAPHY/AUTOBIOGRAPHY . . . WILLIAM HENRY DONALD, "DONALD OF CHINA" WAS MANY THINGS . . . NOT ONLY FRIENDS OF SUN YAT-SEN, MME. & GENERAL CHIANG & . . . GENERAL CHENNAULT, COMMANDER & FOUNDER OF THE . . "A.V.G." & "FLYING TIGERS," . . . BUT A LOYAL FRIEND OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA . * WILLIAM HENRY DONALD [1875-1946]: He was an Australian newspaperman, journalist, soldier of Fortune, an "unofficial foreign minister of China's first Revolutionary government." who worked in China from 1903 until the beginning of World War II. . He had considerable direct and indirect influence on events during his 43 year tenure in China. . He was also friends with Sun Yat-sen, Mme. & Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and General Claire L. Chennault, founder of the celebrated "A.V.G." ["AMERICAN VOLUNTEER GROUP"] later called the heroic "FLYING TIGERS" of World War II Burma and China. . *** A BIOGRAPHY/AUTOBIOGRAPHY: DICTATED TO EARL A. SELLE ON DONALD'S DEATH BED IN SHANGHAI: . After a brief visit to New York City in 1945, Donald returned to Shanghai, where he died in 1946. He was farewelled in a state funeral by the government of the Republic of China. . As he lay dying in Shanghai in 1946, Donald dictated his recollections to Earl Albert Selle, who produced a biography called Donald of China. Naturally this book cannot truly be called an 'autobiography' but in essence it is Donald's last dying words. Regardless, this is a record of his 43 years work in China. . This is a superb biography, giving keen insight to the major events and personalities of China, from the maelstrom of China after the last Emperor. Donald went to China in 1905 and died shortly after leaving in 1948. He served a variety of assortment of governments and peoples in China for some 43 years. His goal was to make a cohesive Chinese government. . *** DONALD: ENEMY OF THE JAPANESE: The Japanese invaders in China had dubbed Donald "The evil spirit of China" for his role in advising the Chinese government in their efforts against the invasion. They had offered growing rewards for his capture, dead or alive. . Once they had almost got him, when Zero fighters attacked his plane over China, but his pilot escaped into a cloud bank. . In February 1945, it turned out that they had held him for more than three years, without knowing it was him, in one of the Manila prison camps. Donald had been a prisoner since February 1942, when the Japanese arrested him at Manila when he was on his way back to China from New Zealand via the Philippines. During his captivity, he had used a false name . *** MORE ABOUT DONALD: Per the notes on the dust jacket: "The journalist who time and again scoped the world press. The soldier of fortune who helped overturn the Manchu throne. The daredevil who sighted the guns at the siege of Nanjing. The visionary who insisted that China belonged to the Chinese. The unofficial foreign minister to China's first revolutionary government and a power in each succeeding regime. The man the Japanese hated and feared and hunted ruthlessly but never quite caught." . *** THE KIDNAPPING OF GENERAL CHIANG KAI-SHEK: XIAN INCIDENT . In order to force the issue to establish a united front against the Japanese invasion, Young Marshall Zhang Xueliang kidnapped Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in the infamous Xi'an Incident. Donald was the special envoy to Xi'an sent by Madame Chiang to negotiate for Chiang's release. . He played a pivotal role in convincing his old friend Zhang Xueliang and the CCP to release Chiang. After several rounds of negotiations, Chiang was released to a plane bound for Nanjing escorted by Zhang. When the plane arrived in Nanjing, Zhang was immediately arrested and was incarcerated, staying in prison in China and, later, Taiwan, for more than fifty years. Chiang Kai-shek recorded in his diary that Zhang Xueliang "denied having known beforehand of the revolt and tried soothingly to argue with his chief" See Hanh below. . *** With a b.w. photo frontispiece of Donald, index, dust jacket shows Donald with General & Mme. Chiang Kai-shek, one of his closest and best friends. . *** Color photos are posted to our website. . *** CONDITION: Bound in the original publisher's buff cloth with gold-stamped titles on the spine, with end-paper maps. . When present the dust jacket is preserved in a Mylar protector. . *** REFERENCES: . en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Henry_Donald * CHENNAULT, Claire L.: WAY OF A FIGHTER: The Memoirs Of Claire Lee Chennault, Donald is well discussed see: pp.33-34, 42,44. & 51. * Hahn, Emily.: THE SOONG SISTERS, 1941, p.212 for the Xian Incident, see page 216 for a photo of Donald, General J.L. Huang and Chiang Kai-shek. . * ., 0, New York: Horace Liveright, Inc, 1931. First Edition. Hardcover. Near Fine/Near Fine. Near Fine in a Near Fine jacket, unclipped ($2.00), toned at the spine, chipped at the upper-right corner of the front panel. Blue cloth with a black ink panel on the spine with gilt lettering and designs on the spine and front board. Firmly bound with a slight forward lean, clean internally. Anderson's work that claims that "modern industry and our money civilization have usurped the strength of man and rendered him impotent," leaving it to the women to be "the impulse for revolt and the dominating voice in the affairs of the future., Horace Liveright, Inc, 1931, 4, Washington, DC: Department of the Army, 1954. Presumed First Edition, First printing. Wraps. good. 24 cm. vi, [2], 82,[2] pages. Wraps. Illustrations. Fold-out maps. Chronology. Bibliographical not. Some wear and soiling to covers. Stamp and black cross-out marks to front cover. The purpose of this study is to describe briefly the German campaign against the guerrillas in the Balkans during the period of the European Axis occupation, from the end of hostilities against Greece and Yugoslavia in April 1941 to the capture of Belgrade by the Soviet forces and the Partisans in October 1944. The activities of Germany's Italian, Bulgarian, Croatians, and other allies, as well as the British, Soviet, and United States forces in the area, are treated only to the extent that they affected German operations. In sequence of time, this study is a continuation of Department of the Army Pamphlet 20-260, The German Campaigns in the Balkans which was published in 1953. The material for this study was obtained from German military records now in the custody of The Adjutant General, Department of the Army. In addition to these official records, monographs by former German officers who participated in these operations furnished considerable general information and were of assistance in supplementing the terse official reports of specific actions. Shortly after the cessation of hostilities, the Yugoslav and Greek forces were demobilized, their personnel idle, and stunned rather than crushed by their sudden defeat. Many had never seen the enemy, others had recently been on the offensive, as the Greek forces in Albania, and had been forced to stop fighting only when encircled by the Germans or because higher commanders had surrendered. The German authorities were cognizant of the threat of these unemployed ex-soldiers and other dissident elements uniting to form a resistance movement. Moreover, the commencement of hostilities with the Soviet Union 2 months later made external support of such a movement most probable; aid by the Russians would serve to divert German divisions from the Russian theater of war, gain the Kremlin an opening wedge for the communization of the Balkans, and possibly even permanent realization of the age-old Russian desire for access to the Adriatic and Mediterranean. Little was done to forestall the obvious threat of revolt. Perhaps the Germans considered the few divisions they were leaving behind sufficient to secure Greece and Yugoslavia and keep up an uninterrupted flow of raw materials to the German war machine. Most certainly German planners were preoccupied with the approaching campaign against the Soviet Union. At any rate, German preparations to contain and destroy large-scale risings were inadequate. Belated German efforts as time passed succeeded only in quelling temporarily the growing surge of resistance in areas where the occupation authorities could mass superior forces. Suppression of the resistance movement became and remained for over 2 years a makeshift affair, with the guerrillas being pursued from one area to another, suffering heavy casualties, but never being destroyed. During this 2-year period, duty in the southeast was regarded as relatively safe by the average soldier, infinitely preferable to service in the Soviet Union or North Africa. For its part, the Armed Forces High Command considered its Balkan theater a bulwark against attack from the south and its possession necessary for the security of the forces in the southern part of the Soviet Union. The Reich's primary interest in the area itself, once these security objectives had been achieved, was as a source of strategic raw materials. Its importance increased when the supply of chrome from Turkey was stopped and the Turks began to drift toward the Allied camp. The German attitude toward the population was one of mistrust. The majority of the inhabitants were Slavs, and lacking culture. However, as in the other occupied countries, the Germans felt they could reach a modus vivendi to achieve their military and political aims; the population could be kept under control by a program of dividing and ruling, well illustrated by the establishment of a Croatian state out of the body of Yugoslavia., Department of the Army, 1954, 2.5, London, England: Little Brown, 2007. Second Printing [stated]. Hardcover. Very good/Very good. viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic approach - a chapter on the Labour governments, one on cricket, one on cinema, and so on - is that you can explain clearly how things got to be the way they turned out, and he does., Little Brown, 2007, 3<
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2007, ISBN: 0316730327
Hardcover
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HO… More...
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HOUSING, POVERTY, LLOYD GEORGE, TREATY OF VERSAILLES, RAMSEY MACDONALD, JOHN REITH, UNEMPLOYMENT, Jacket, viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic approach - a chapter on the Labour governments, one on cricket, one on cinema, and so on - is that you can explain clearly how things got to be the way they turned out, and he does., Books<
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2007, ISBN: 0316730327
Hardcover
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HO… More...
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HOUSING, POVERTY, LLOYD GEORGE, TREATY OF VERSAILLES, RAMSEY MACDONALD, JOHN REITH, UNEMPLOYMENT, Jacket, viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic appro, Books<
AbeBooks.de Ground Zero Books, Ltd., Silver Spring, MD, U.S.A. [62893] [Rating: 5 (von 5)] NOT NEW BOOK. Shipping costs: EUR 28.35 Details... |
2007, ISBN: 9780316730327
Hardcover
London, England: Little Brown, 2007. Second Printing [stated]. Hardcover. Very good/Very good. viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Biblio… More...
London, England: Little Brown, 2007. Second Printing [stated]. Hardcover. Very good/Very good. viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic approach - a chapter on the Labour governments, one on cricket, one on cinema, and so on - is that you can explain clearly how things got to be the way they turned out, and he does., Little Brown, 2007, 3<
Biblio.co.uk |
2007, ISBN: 9780316730327
Hardcover
Hardback. Very Good., 3, B & H Pub Group. Paperback. GOOD. Spine creases, wear to binding and pages from reading. May contain limited notes, underlining or highlighting that does affect… More...
Hardback. Very Good., 3, B & H Pub Group. Paperback. GOOD. Spine creases, wear to binding and pages from reading. May contain limited notes, underlining or highlighting that does affect the text. Possible ex library copy, will have the markings and stickers associated from the library. Accessories such as CD, codes, toys, may not be included., B & H Pub Group, 2.5, Paperback. Very Good., 3, Little, Brown, 2007-09-27. Hardcover. Good. 2.3982 in x 23.5821 in x 16.5874 in. Ex-library book, usual markings. Hardback with dust cover. Clean text, sound binding., Little, Brown, 2007-09-27, 2.5<
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2007, ISBN: 9780316730327
Hardcover
New York [1948], Harper. Gray cloth, end paper maps, index, bibliography, maps, 374p., 15 x 21.5 cm., very good, clean & solid, faint round stain on front cover, barely noticable, int… More...
New York [1948], Harper. Gray cloth, end paper maps, index, bibliography, maps, 374p., 15 x 21.5 cm., very good, clean & solid, faint round stain on front cover, barely noticable, interior pristine, spine a bit dull.* FIRST & ONLY EDITION * . *** **** *** . . DONALD'S LAST DYING WORDS ARE THIS BIOGRAPHY/AUTOBIOGRAPHY . . . WILLIAM HENRY DONALD, "DONALD OF CHINA" WAS MANY THINGS . . . NOT ONLY FRIENDS OF SUN YAT-SEN, MME. & GENERAL CHIANG & . . . GENERAL CHENNAULT, COMMANDER & FOUNDER OF THE . . "A.V.G." & "FLYING TIGERS," . . . BUT A LOYAL FRIEND OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA . * WILLIAM HENRY DONALD [1875-1946]: He was an Australian newspaperman, journalist, soldier of Fortune, an "unofficial foreign minister of China's first Revolutionary government." who worked in China from 1903 until the beginning of World War II. . He had considerable direct and indirect influence on events during his 43 year tenure in China. . He was also friends with Sun Yat-sen, Mme. & Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and General Claire L. Chennault, founder of the celebrated "A.V.G." ["AMERICAN VOLUNTEER GROUP"] later called the heroic "FLYING TIGERS" of World War II Burma and China. . *** A BIOGRAPHY/AUTOBIOGRAPHY: DICTATED TO EARL A. SELLE ON DONALD'S DEATH BED IN SHANGHAI: . After a brief visit to New York City in 1945, Donald returned to Shanghai, where he died in 1946. He was farewelled in a state funeral by the government of the Republic of China. . As he lay dying in Shanghai in 1946, Donald dictated his recollections to Earl Albert Selle, who produced a biography called Donald of China. Naturally this book cannot truly be called an 'autobiography' but in essence it is Donald's last dying words. Regardless, this is a record of his 43 years work in China. . This is a superb biography, giving keen insight to the major events and personalities of China, from the maelstrom of China after the last Emperor. Donald went to China in 1905 and died shortly after leaving in 1948. He served a variety of assortment of governments and peoples in China for some 43 years. His goal was to make a cohesive Chinese government. . *** DONALD: ENEMY OF THE JAPANESE: The Japanese invaders in China had dubbed Donald "The evil spirit of China" for his role in advising the Chinese government in their efforts against the invasion. They had offered growing rewards for his capture, dead or alive. . Once they had almost got him, when Zero fighters attacked his plane over China, but his pilot escaped into a cloud bank. . In February 1945, it turned out that they had held him for more than three years, without knowing it was him, in one of the Manila prison camps. Donald had been a prisoner since February 1942, when the Japanese arrested him at Manila when he was on his way back to China from New Zealand via the Philippines. During his captivity, he had used a false name . *** MORE ABOUT DONALD: Per the notes on the dust jacket: "The journalist who time and again scoped the world press. The soldier of fortune who helped overturn the Manchu throne. The daredevil who sighted the guns at the siege of Nanjing. The visionary who insisted that China belonged to the Chinese. The unofficial foreign minister to China's first revolutionary government and a power in each succeeding regime. The man the Japanese hated and feared and hunted ruthlessly but never quite caught." . *** THE KIDNAPPING OF GENERAL CHIANG KAI-SHEK: XIAN INCIDENT . In order to force the issue to establish a united front against the Japanese invasion, Young Marshall Zhang Xueliang kidnapped Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in the infamous Xi'an Incident. Donald was the special envoy to Xi'an sent by Madame Chiang to negotiate for Chiang's release. . He played a pivotal role in convincing his old friend Zhang Xueliang and the CCP to release Chiang. After several rounds of negotiations, Chiang was released to a plane bound for Nanjing escorted by Zhang. When the plane arrived in Nanjing, Zhang was immediately arrested and was incarcerated, staying in prison in China and, later, Taiwan, for more than fifty years. Chiang Kai-shek recorded in his diary that Zhang Xueliang "denied having known beforehand of the revolt and tried soothingly to argue with his chief" See Hanh below. . *** With a b.w. photo frontispiece of Donald, index, dust jacket shows Donald with General & Mme. Chiang Kai-shek, one of his closest and best friends. . *** Color photos are posted to our website. . *** CONDITION: Bound in the original publisher's buff cloth with gold-stamped titles on the spine, with end-paper maps. . When present the dust jacket is preserved in a Mylar protector. . *** REFERENCES: . en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Henry_Donald * CHENNAULT, Claire L.: WAY OF A FIGHTER: The Memoirs Of Claire Lee Chennault, Donald is well discussed see: pp.33-34, 42,44. & 51. * Hahn, Emily.: THE SOONG SISTERS, 1941, p.212 for the Xian Incident, see page 216 for a photo of Donald, General J.L. Huang and Chiang Kai-shek. . * ., 0, New York: Horace Liveright, Inc, 1931. First Edition. Hardcover. Near Fine/Near Fine. Near Fine in a Near Fine jacket, unclipped ($2.00), toned at the spine, chipped at the upper-right corner of the front panel. Blue cloth with a black ink panel on the spine with gilt lettering and designs on the spine and front board. Firmly bound with a slight forward lean, clean internally. Anderson's work that claims that "modern industry and our money civilization have usurped the strength of man and rendered him impotent," leaving it to the women to be "the impulse for revolt and the dominating voice in the affairs of the future., Horace Liveright, Inc, 1931, 4, Washington, DC: Department of the Army, 1954. Presumed First Edition, First printing. Wraps. good. 24 cm. vi, [2], 82,[2] pages. Wraps. Illustrations. Fold-out maps. Chronology. Bibliographical not. Some wear and soiling to covers. Stamp and black cross-out marks to front cover. The purpose of this study is to describe briefly the German campaign against the guerrillas in the Balkans during the period of the European Axis occupation, from the end of hostilities against Greece and Yugoslavia in April 1941 to the capture of Belgrade by the Soviet forces and the Partisans in October 1944. The activities of Germany's Italian, Bulgarian, Croatians, and other allies, as well as the British, Soviet, and United States forces in the area, are treated only to the extent that they affected German operations. In sequence of time, this study is a continuation of Department of the Army Pamphlet 20-260, The German Campaigns in the Balkans which was published in 1953. The material for this study was obtained from German military records now in the custody of The Adjutant General, Department of the Army. In addition to these official records, monographs by former German officers who participated in these operations furnished considerable general information and were of assistance in supplementing the terse official reports of specific actions. Shortly after the cessation of hostilities, the Yugoslav and Greek forces were demobilized, their personnel idle, and stunned rather than crushed by their sudden defeat. Many had never seen the enemy, others had recently been on the offensive, as the Greek forces in Albania, and had been forced to stop fighting only when encircled by the Germans or because higher commanders had surrendered. The German authorities were cognizant of the threat of these unemployed ex-soldiers and other dissident elements uniting to form a resistance movement. Moreover, the commencement of hostilities with the Soviet Union 2 months later made external support of such a movement most probable; aid by the Russians would serve to divert German divisions from the Russian theater of war, gain the Kremlin an opening wedge for the communization of the Balkans, and possibly even permanent realization of the age-old Russian desire for access to the Adriatic and Mediterranean. Little was done to forestall the obvious threat of revolt. Perhaps the Germans considered the few divisions they were leaving behind sufficient to secure Greece and Yugoslavia and keep up an uninterrupted flow of raw materials to the German war machine. Most certainly German planners were preoccupied with the approaching campaign against the Soviet Union. At any rate, German preparations to contain and destroy large-scale risings were inadequate. Belated German efforts as time passed succeeded only in quelling temporarily the growing surge of resistance in areas where the occupation authorities could mass superior forces. Suppression of the resistance movement became and remained for over 2 years a makeshift affair, with the guerrillas being pursued from one area to another, suffering heavy casualties, but never being destroyed. During this 2-year period, duty in the southeast was regarded as relatively safe by the average soldier, infinitely preferable to service in the Soviet Union or North Africa. For its part, the Armed Forces High Command considered its Balkan theater a bulwark against attack from the south and its possession necessary for the security of the forces in the southern part of the Soviet Union. The Reich's primary interest in the area itself, once these security objectives had been achieved, was as a source of strategic raw materials. Its importance increased when the supply of chrome from Turkey was stopped and the Turks began to drift toward the Allied camp. The German attitude toward the population was one of mistrust. The majority of the inhabitants were Slavs, and lacking culture. However, as in the other occupied countries, the Germans felt they could reach a modus vivendi to achieve their military and political aims; the population could be kept under control by a program of dividing and ruling, well illustrated by the establishment of a Croatian state out of the body of Yugoslavia., Department of the Army, 1954, 2.5, London, England: Little Brown, 2007. Second Printing [stated]. Hardcover. Very good/Very good. viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic approach - a chapter on the Labour governments, one on cricket, one on cinema, and so on - is that you can explain clearly how things got to be the way they turned out, and he does., Little Brown, 2007, 3<
2007, ISBN: 0316730327
Hardcover
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HO… More...
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HOUSING, POVERTY, LLOYD GEORGE, TREATY OF VERSAILLES, RAMSEY MACDONALD, JOHN REITH, UNEMPLOYMENT, Jacket, viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic approach - a chapter on the Labour governments, one on cricket, one on cinema, and so on - is that you can explain clearly how things got to be the way they turned out, and he does., Books<
2007
ISBN: 0316730327
Hardcover
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HO… More...
[EAN: 9780316730327], Gebraucht, sehr guter Zustand, [PU: Little Brown, London, England], INTERWAR, BRITAIN, LABOUR PARTY, GENERAL STRIKE, STANLEY BALDWIN, NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, CINEMA, HOUSING, POVERTY, LLOYD GEORGE, TREATY OF VERSAILLES, RAMSEY MACDONALD, JOHN REITH, UNEMPLOYMENT, Jacket, viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic appro, Books<
2007, ISBN: 9780316730327
Hardcover
London, England: Little Brown, 2007. Second Printing [stated]. Hardcover. Very good/Very good. viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Biblio… More...
London, England: Little Brown, 2007. Second Printing [stated]. Hardcover. Very good/Very good. viii, 454, [2] pages. Includes Preface, Introduction, Illustrations, Notes, Select Bibliography, and Index. Inscribed by the author on the title page. Inscription reads, "To Laurence Carter, Best Wishes, Roy Hattersley." Roy Sydney George Hattersley, Baron Hattersley, PC, FRSL (born 28 December 1932), is a British Labour politician, author and journalist from Sheffield. He was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook for 33 years from 1964 to 1997. He served as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992. In 1963 he was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate for the multi-racial Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency and facing a Conservative majority of just under 900. On 16 October 1964 he defeated the Conservative party candidate, Michael J. Donnelly, and was elected with a majority of 1,254 votes; he was to hold that seat for the next eight general elections. The 1992 general election was held on 9 April 1992, but saw a fourth consecutive Labour defeat by the Conservatives. Kinnock announced his resignation as party leader on 13 April, and on the same day Hattersley announced his intention to resign from the deputy leadership of the party, with the intention of carrying on in their roles until the new leadership was elected that summer. Hattersley supported his friend John Smith in the leadership contest, which Smith won in July that year. In 1993, Hattersley announced he would leave politics at the following general election. He was made a life peer as Baron Hattersley, of Sparkbrook in the County of West Midlands on 24 November 1997. Called an uneasy peace, the twenty years between the two world wars was a time of turmoil. Britain saw a general strike and the worst economic crisis in its history, armed rebellion in Ireland, and open revolt in India. The Prime Minister resigned from his party in favor of a coalition with his traditional enemies. The King abdicated in order to marry a twice-divorced American. Crisis followed crisis until Britain was engulfed in the Second World War--a catastrophe that could have been foreseen, possibly even prevented. This book is a masterly reassessment of the social and political landscape of Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Derived from a review found posted on line: Roy Hattersley's Borrowed Time is subtitled The Story of Britain Between the Wars, but it is more a collection of interesting, thoughtful, well-written essays on aspects of the 20s and 30s that have caught Hattersley's attention and imagination. So, from this cricket fan, you will find no less than 11 pages on the fortunes of England's cricketers, including an account of the bodyline bowling controversy that I found riveting - a tribute to the vigour of Hattersley's writing. On the theatre, he's well-informed. Hattersley shows that theatre between the wars was far from being the dreary parade of middle-class plays that Kenneth Tynan later made it out to be. Laurence Olivier was not an apolitical old-fashioned tragic actor who needed rescuing by John Osborne in 1957. Already in the 1930s he reflected "the growing politicization of the arts", recognizing that Olivier's heroic film of Henry V, was a wartime production and its "God for Harry, England and St George" spirit was a contribution to the war effort. Cricket, football, athletics, theatre, cinema - these bring out the best in this politician turned writer. The political passages are intriguing. His account of the treaty of Versailles comes, convincingly, to the conclusion that the vengefulness of Clemenceau, the cynicism of Lloyd George and the naivety of Woodrow Wilson created the brew that simmered for 20 years and brought about the next war. His description of the real meaning of poverty in the 30s is masterly. The most telling sentence is in the chapter on cinema: "The first application to make Love on the Dole was rejected on the grounds that it portrayed 'too much of the tragic and sordid side of poverty'." The advantage of this thematic approach - a chapter on the Labour governments, one on cricket, one on cinema, and so on - is that you can explain clearly how things got to be the way they turned out, and he does., Little Brown, 2007, 3<
2007, ISBN: 9780316730327
Hardcover
Hardback. Very Good., 3, B & H Pub Group. Paperback. GOOD. Spine creases, wear to binding and pages from reading. May contain limited notes, underlining or highlighting that does affect… More...
Hardback. Very Good., 3, B & H Pub Group. Paperback. GOOD. Spine creases, wear to binding and pages from reading. May contain limited notes, underlining or highlighting that does affect the text. Possible ex library copy, will have the markings and stickers associated from the library. Accessories such as CD, codes, toys, may not be included., B & H Pub Group, 2.5, Paperback. Very Good., 3, Little, Brown, 2007-09-27. Hardcover. Good. 2.3982 in x 23.5821 in x 16.5874 in. Ex-library book, usual markings. Hardback with dust cover. Clean text, sound binding., Little, Brown, 2007-09-27, 2.5<
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Details of the book - Borrowed Time
EAN (ISBN-13): 9780316730327
ISBN (ISBN-10): 0316730327
Hardcover
Paperback
Publishing year: 2007
Publisher: Little, Brown
Book in our database since 2007-10-15T06:08:12-04:00 (New York)
Detail page last modified on 2024-02-12T05:52:20-05:00 (New York)
ISBN/EAN: 9780316730327
ISBN - alternate spelling:
0-316-73032-7, 978-0-316-73032-7
Alternate spelling and related search-keywords:
Book author: roy, hattersley
Book title: time wars, the story war, borrowed time britain, time between
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